I. Ad Astra per Aspera
Paul Krugman, Nobel-winning economist and one of the most prominent liberal voices on the state of our new economic crisis, claims to have been called to his profession by a desire to explain the economics of Star Trek. He even authored a paper explaining the parameters of a speculative interstellar trade scheme. On the campaign trail Barack Obama made references to Star Trek as well. In office he’s been compared to Spock for his analytical approach to world events. The Tea Partiers profess devotion to Ayn Rand’s magnum opus Atlas Shrugged. Despite their protestations that it isn’t science fiction, the novel hinges on force fields, advanced and impossible engines, and superhuman feats of metallurgy.
The specter of science fiction is alive and well in the public discourse and for good reason – the makeup of the science fiction community mirrors very well the makeup of the political community. Despite our best efforts, both are still overwhelmingly white, male, and middle class. Both are rooted in speculative visions of the future; and speculative visions inform real life decisions. A friend of mine from college – conservative, traditional, now an Army officer, exactly the sort of person you expect to engage in anti-U.N. conspiracies – once told me he couldn’t wait for the days of a single world government because it would put us one step closer to Star Trek.
II. Speak/Write (The Speculative Impulse)
This essay is several things: it’s an attempt to explain the uninitiated key concepts of science fiction (SF) and how they affect the political discourse. It’s also a personal history of a hardcore libertarian turned outspoken leftist, and how SF influenced the formation of my philosophy. Those who know the genre might be taken aback at what I leave out, but should know that that’s intentional. Through my personal history I’ll attempt to elucidate what exactly is so compelling and influential about the SF worldview. A second disclaimer: my intro is heavy on references to Star Trek, but SF television plays a meager role in my own experience and as such will play a meager role in this essay. The grounding points will largely be written work, although where necessary I will refer to film and television adaptations.
For those looking for a history of politics and SF, this is not that. This is a severely limited attempt to explain the resonance between SF ideals and modern politics with a few examples from my own experience. Anyone knowledgeable about SF will feel that my examples are too limited, but that view misses the point. This is the bastard child of the personal essay and the larger explanation. My goal is to pique interest and to invite outsiders into the world of science fiction. Those who already know the major works will find little in this article. Here I’ll focus on three writers – Robert Heinlein and, through him, Ayn Rand on the conservative side, and Iain Banks on the liberal side.
I’ll also confess to an ulterior motive: this is a legitimizing exercise, designed to show the informative and influential power of genre fiction through the genre I know best. If the editors of this magazine will allow me, there will be future essays on just what I think of genre fiction and why it shouldn’t be disregarded. For now I present two unfortunately limited profiles of SF on the left and right, and hopefully tie the two together in my conclusion.
III. Randian Rails
We start with Robert Heinlein, most famous for Paul Verhoeven’s film adaptation of his novel Starship Troopers. The movie righteously skewered the novel as a bizarre paean to military power, but neither book nor movie adequately represents Heinlein nor explains his position in SF history.
Heinlein’s legacy lies in a key SF archetype - the rational engineer. It’s not a character he invented, but one he perfected and whose nature he defined in novels like The Moon is a Harsh Mistress and The Day after Tomorrow. The rational engineer has a few key characteristics – he is, of course, an engineer, a tinkerer with machines and good at his job (incidentally, these characters illustrate one of my favorite problems of mid-century SF: they deal with machines of unimaginable power, but he can’t imagine a more powerful mathematical device than the slide rule); he has an independent streak - not out of emotion but because he observes that those who rely on others are weaker than he is; and he’s invariably a patriot and a nationalist. He’s also a problem solver, always through exotic deus ex machinae that make the world safe for those like him.
But Heinlein’s heroes present an unspoken problem: if all problems can be solved by the competent inventor then there’s never a need for the individual to assert his own individuality; he’s safe in the comfort that the rational engineer will save him from his own weakness. Passages from Heinlein’s novels scorn this view, but never manage to refute it and never pose an alternative.
If you’ve ever struggled through Atlas Shrugged, you’ll immediately recognize this character as the basis for the novel’s hero, John Galt. Galt is an engineer, but because he’s never allowed the freedom to pursue his ideas to benefit himself and no one else, he stomps off in a fit of pique. He goes on to save the day with a set of improbable inventions, including invisibility shields and perpetual motion devices. These are never quite on the scale of Heinlein’s savior machines, but they serve the same purpose. Rand’s heroes will push the world forward and those who cannot innovate on their level will have to suffer the consequences.
Thus Rand solves Heinlein’s paradox. If the masses cannot create savior organs, then they are not truly individuals. And it is only right that the true individuals reign over them, but this is never inconsistent with Heinlein. And finally we return to Starship Troopers because Rand, for all her protestations of individualism, advocates the same division of society as Heinlein: those with the courage of their convictions should rise to the top, and the rest be damned. The mantra of Starship Troopers is “Citizenship Equals Service”. This refers to the central conceit of the novel, that only those who have served in the military are granted suffrage. The individual exists within proscribed limits; only those who advocate for certain causes are granted that status.